HomeAboutBooksMusicArticlesContact

RE-ENVISIONING SOCIAL JUSTICE FROM THE GROUND UP: INCLUDING THE EXPERIENCES OF ROMANI WOMEN
By Alexandra Oprea

© Alexandra Oprea, July 2004, all rights reserved. Originally published in the Essex Human Rights Review (EHRR) Vol. 1 No. 1., p. 29-39. The article is available in pdf format from the Directory of Open Source Journals .
———————————————————————————————-

Abstract

This paper centres on the exclusion of Romani women from mainstream feminist and antiracist discourses in Europe. This exclusion is explained through the lens of intersectionalism and problematic identity politics. It discusses their invisibility as perpetuated by programmes and reports from non-governmental organizations (NGOs). It explains the absence of Romani women from Romani and feminist discourses, the uncritical view of Romani culture, and the vulnerability of Romanian Romani women to domestic violence. It emphasizes that analyses of social problems must be performed from the bottom up, looking at the experiences of those who are multi-burdened, such as poor Romani women. The paper concludes by discussing the value of recognizing privilege as the foundation for inclusive scholarship and discourse.

1. Introduction

In The Hunchback of Notre Dame, Esmeralda is a voluptuous Gypsy temptress whose beauty, dance, and charm make her the fantasy of every European man.(1) A far cry from Victor Hugo’s exotic Gypsy seductress, for the past decade Romani women have been struggling to regain their dignity in the face of multi-faceted oppression, some of which comes in the form of the aforementioned example of racialized objectification, others in the form of the systematic denial of basic rights. Staging this lonely battle means resisting the interlocking systems of racism, sexism, and poverty as well as the political discourses that perpetuate them.

Click to read more …

DUTY AND BEAUTY, POSSESSION AND TRUTH: THE CLAIM OF LEXICAL IMPOVERISHMENT AS CONTROL
By Ian Hancock

© Ian Hancock, 1997, all rights reserved. Originally published in T.A. Acton and A. Mundy (eds.), Romani culture and Gypsy identity (University of Hertfordshire Press, Hatfield, 1997), pp. 180–7.
———————————————————————————————-

Language is essentially the control of thought. It becomes impossible for us to direct our future until we control our language. The sense of language is in precision of vocabulary and structure for a particular social context. (Asante, 1988: 31).

The manipulation by societies in power of the identities of subordinate groups is achieved in many ways. One such way is through discriminatory legislation, such as that enacted against the Romani people in almost every land, including the US. Another is through media representation, both factual and fictional. This last category, the portrayal of ‘Gypsies’ in poetry, film and novels, is the most effective in establishing such negative feelings because they are absorbed subliminally by children, at a time when they are most susceptible to acquiring the attitudes of mainstream society. Apart from descriptions of Romani people and their life, which are legion, the Romani language has also been the target of comment, invariably worded as fact rather than supposition. In his Tales of the Real Gypsy, Paul Kester gives his readers those ‘real’ facts about it (1897: 305):

The Gypsies, like the birds and all wild things, have a language of their own, which is apart from the language of those among whom they dwell … the Gypsy[’s] … language is deep and warm and full of the charm of the out-of-doors world, the scent of the clover and the ripple of streams and the rush of the wind and the storm. For the Rommany speech is full of all this, and although the Gypsy has few traditions, his rich mother tongue must embalm in each word a thousand associations that thrill in the soul.

Kester was not a linguist, and it is easy to see how he was able to allow his fantasies about the Romani people to shape his preconceptions of the language. Doris Duncan, however, presumably is, and can claim no such excuse. Writing seventy years later in a journal of popular linguistics, she made the following observations (1969: 42),

Click to read more …

ROMA WOMEN IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AND BOSNIAN ROMA WOMEN IN WEST EUROPE
By Hedina Sijercic

© Hedina Sijercic, 2007, all rights reserved.
This was a speech given by Hedina Sijercic at a conference during the Festival Tzigane Romani Yag / Romani Yag Gypsy Festival in Montreal, Quebec, Canada on October 14, 2007.
———————————————————————————————-
Aven saste thaj baxtale, Romnjale, Romalen, Chavalen! My name is Hedina Sijercic and I am a journalist, teacher and writer. I am Romani, Canadian, born in Sarajevo in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and now living in Germany.

For 15 years now, I have lived between three cultures: Balkan, Western European ‚ and North American. My life experience as a Romni (Romani woman) living between those three worlds has been very rich. I have met Roma from countries all over the world – both domestic and refugees.

I have met our Romnije (Romani women) all over the world, and especially our Romnije living in Bosnia, Germany, France, Italy and Belgium. The lives of all Romnije are the same – it doesn’t matter where they live. Our tradition and culture are too heavy and too powerful to change the suffering faced by our women throughout the history of our people.

I am here to talk about Roma women from Bosnia and Herzegovina, about their problems and their situation in their families and in the larger society. But I cannot talk about this without informing you at the same time about the whole Roma situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and their position there which is ultimately reflected on the women.

Click to read more …

ROMA ANDE KALISFERIA – ROMA IN LIMBO
By Ronald Lee

© Ronald Lee, 2002, all rights reserved.
Published in Terre Sospese – Suspended Worlds: A Photo Essay of Romani Refugee Camps in Italy.
Stefano Montesi. Prospettiva Edizioni Srl. Rome. 2002.
———————————————————————————————-

The North-American Vlach-Roma believe there is a place between earth and Heaven, called Kalisferia in Romani, where the souls of unbaptised children, suicide victims and those who have committed crimes against God are condemned to exist in limbo. This is a dismal, fearful region of total darkness inhabited by fearsome creatures that torment those condemned to live there until they receive Grace from God to enter Raiyo, the Romani concept of Heaven. When I entered Camp Casilino 900, a Romani-refugee shanty town of shacks and trailers close to Rome, I found Kalisferia on earth!

Nobody knows how many Romni refugees there are in Italy. Campland: Racial Segregation of Roma in Italy, published by The European Roma Rights Center, Budapest, October 2000, gives one estimate of 130,000 and another of from 90.000 to 110,000. This of course includes the native Italian Sinti and Roma who also live in these camps despite the fact that they are mostly Italian citizens by birth. The Italian government considers all Roma and Sinti to be nomads who must live in segregated camps. They are not allowed to settle and enter mainstream society. Many of the Romani refugees are from Kosovo, Bosnia, Macedonia and other regions of the former Yugoslavia, others are from Rumania. Many have been in these camps for 10, 15, or more years, some for decades. Their children, born in Italy, have known no life but the camps. They cannot apply for Convention-refugee status like Romani refugees in Canada. Few can obtain residence permits and most are unable to obtain work permits. Women must beg on the streets of the cities with their children in order to feed their families. The police have the right to take away their children and place them in foster homes. Nobody knows how many camps there are in Italy. Some are legal others are illegal. The difference is vague and fluid, depending on the whims of local municipal governments. Most of the Roma in the “nomad” camps came from former sedentary Romani communities in the Balkans and were never nomadic. This institutionalised nomadism applied to Roma by the Italian government is a gross violation of human rights.

Click to read more …

ROMA IN ROMANIA
Report by Valeriu Nicolae

© Valeriu Nicolae, 2002, all rights reserved
Published in The Romani Diaspora in Canada: History, Culture & Equity Issues, Editor, Ronald Lee et al., 2003, Canadian Scholars Institute Press, Toronto, Canada. Required Course Reading for Spring Seminar, NEW 343H1, University of Toronto.
———————————————————————————————-

How long before we kick the whole lot out? ran the headline of a 2000 article in the UK paper The Sun, on the topic of Romanian Gypsy beggars in London. Romania is the country with the largest Gypsy population in Europe. An unbelievable 84% of Romanians declare adversity towards Gypsies in polls conducted by the European Union.

A few days ago an EU politician asked me what more could Europe do to solve the “Gypsy problem”. I answered with the following joke, to point out that so far Europe has done almost nothing to solve the problem:

A very religious man wanted to win the lottery. Every Sunday he would go to the church and pray: “God, I have been such a pious man all of my life. Would it be so bad if I won the lottery?” Years passed and he didn’t win. Week after week, month after month, he would go to the church and pray to the Lord for deliverance but he didn’t win the lottery. Finally one Sunday he couldn’t take it any more. He wailed to the heavens: “God, I have been such a religious man all my life, what do I have to do to win the lottery?” And suddenly the heavens parted and the voice of God boomed out, “Give me a chance. Buy a ticket.”

Click to read more …

ROMA AND FLAMENCO: MYTH AND REALITY
By Ronald Lee

© Ronald Lee, 2003, all rights reserved
———————————————————————————————-

Much has been written about Flamenco music and what contribution the Roma have made to its development and continuity. In the past, many authorities whose knowledge of Romani history and that of Spain was peripheral have stated that Flamenco is a mixture of various elements, Spanish, Moorish, Jewish and Romani and that Flamenco evolved through a mixing of these musical traditions over a long period of time. When examined in the light of recorded history, this theory seems to be total mythology as far as the Roma are concerned.

To begin with, the Roma (1) only arrived in Andalusia towards the end of the Moorish period. The first documented record of the appearance of Roma in Spain is a passage of safe conduct issued by Alphonso V of Aragón in 1425 in the city of Zaragoza to a certain Tomás, Count of Little Egypt. The often expounded theory that the Roma reached Spain by way of North Africa is popular mythology that can easily be refuted by the large number of Slavic loan words to be found in the Caló dialect of Romani such as pusca (firearm), beringa (chain), olicha (street) and silno (strong). These and many more Slavic loan words, plus Greek and Rumanian borrowings are the same as in other European-Romani dialects and prove that the Calés of Spain reached Spain by the same route as the European Roma reached the rest of central, eastern and western Europe. The first record of Roma in Andalusia, the home of Flamenco, is dated 1462 when two other Counts of Little Egypt were invited to dine at the palace of Constable Miguel Lucas de Irizano along with the rest of their troupe of over one hundred people and to be his guests for two weeks. Another Romani leader, Count James and his wife Countess Louisa, are recorded as visiting Andújar, in Andalusia in 1470 (2). The last Moorish stronghold in Spain, the City of Granada, was captured by the Spanish in 1492 thus ending the Moorish Caliphate in Spain, the flourishing Arabic musical culture and the University and Music conservatory of Cordova. The Jews were also expelled from Spain in 1492 which does not seem to leave much time from the arrival of the Roma in Spain, to the end of the last Moorish enclave and the expulsion of the Jews for the Moorish and Jewish musical styles to have evolved in combination with that of the Roma and the Spanish Mozarabes (3) in Andalusia to form a new style of music.

Click to read more …

THE ROMANI GODDESS KALI SARA
By Ronald Lee

© Ronald Lee, 2002, all rights reserved
———————————————————————————————-

While there are many Black Virgins and Black Madonnas in the Christian countries of the Mediterranean and elsewhere, the black statue worshipped by the Roma. at Les Saintes Maries de la Mer in the Camargue in the South of France stands out as something of an enigma. The actual origin of this statue is lost in antiquity and there is no doubt that a Black Goddess must have existed there long before Christianity. According to some authorities the village now known as Les Saintes Maries de la Mer was originally known as Ratis, which means raft in Latin, and later, the church itself , which is shaped like a boat, and dates back at least to the 12th century, was for some time known as Notre Dame de Ratis (Our Lady of the Raft). There is also evidence that in the first century AD, Artemis, Cybele, Isis and the Celtic Triple Goddess, Matres had temples there (1).

Click to read more …

THE ERASURE OF ROMANI WOMEN IN STATISTICAL DATA:
Limits of the Race versus Gender Approach

By Alexandra Oprea

© Alexandra Oprea, March 17 2003, all rights reserved
Published on www.eumap.org
———————————————————————————————-

The conceptualization of race and gender as separate and even unrelated categories has perpetuated the marginalization of Romani women in the collection of statistical data. Inherent flaws in the exclusive categories in data collection processes underscore the invisibility of Romani women. Race and gender do not exist in isolation. Minority women often experience multiple forms of discrimination as a result of race and gender (1). The marginalization of Romani women must therefore be understood in the context of both racism and sexism (2). Ethnic statistics are necessary, but must be collected in such a way as to reflect the intersection of race and gender. A multi-dimensional approach to the collection of data is an important facet to designing policies and programs to combat institutional discrimination against Romani women.

I develop my paper based on the assumption that disaggregated data on minorities is a necessary tool to successfully combat structural inequality. I echo the opinions of human rights activists who believe that the participation of grassroots activists is an indispensable part of the data collection process (3), and that the collection of data must be clearly linked to the implementation of programs for the benefit of the marginalized community (4). However, I contend that the current data collection approaches are flawed in that they perpetuate the notion of race and gender as mutually exclusive by collecting “gender data” and “ethnic data” separately. This practice, excludes Romani women and other women of color and must be transcended in order to remedy the multiple forms of discrimination facing these women.

Click to read more …

NO TAMBOURINES, DANCING BEARS OR GOLDEN EARINGS
A Snapshot of Romani Life in Today’s Romania

By Valeriu Nicolae

© Valeriu Nicolae, 2002, all rights reserved.
Published in The Romani Diaspora in Canada: History, Culture & Equity Issues, Editor Ronald Lee et al., 2003, Canadian Scholars Institute Press, Toronto, Canada. Required Course Reading for Spring Seminar, NEW 343HI, University of Toronto.
———————————————————————————————-

This is what real life is about for the majority of Romanian Roma, a life most of our politicians don’t care or don’t know about.

Where ever I go people ask me where I am from. The answer is always complicated because I have to explain that although I am from Romania I am a Gypsy (Roma doesn’t say anything to most of them). In Europe, when I give this answer, people look at me like I am crazy. Gypsies are the people no one wants around: the thieves and the beggars who cheat everybody and live rich and carefree lives. But I was the manager of a respectable company with partners all over the continent. I did not prominently display any big gold rings or chains; in fact, I seemed to be absolutely normal. In North America the reaction when I say I am a Gypsy is usually “cool!” They think I must be a free spirit with some mystical ability to read their future in their palms, even though I work as a programmer. None of them know or want to know that life for the majority of Roma in Romania is a daily struggle for survival and nothing else.

Click to read more …

THE OTHERS
By Toussaint Dileau

© Toussaint Dileau. All rights reserved.
Traduit de l’originale entitulée “Les Autres Victimes de l’Holocauste”
———————————————————————————————-

Others were the only population besides the Jews who were targeted for
extermination on racial grounds in the Final Solution. They arrived in
Europe about the year 1300 from India which they had left nearly three
centuries before as a military population of mixed, non-Aryan origin
assembled to fight the invading Muslims. Their entry into Europe, via
the Byzantine Empire, was also the direct result of Islamic expansion.

As a non-Christian, non-white, Asian people possessing no
territory in Europe, Others were outsiders in everybody’s country.
Other culture also ensured–as it still does–that a social distance
be kept between Others and gadje (non-Others), and thus their
separateness was further reinforced.

Click to read more …

« Previous entries

Next Page »


 
All content © 2009 - 2011 Ronald Lee unless otherwise stated. Copyrights for articles and song lyrics are retained by their authors. Songs labled "traditional" are of unknown authorship. Web design by Nina Bottaccini.